By Michele Bastacky
Although not
a new issue, redistricting has become highly contentious again, this time in
Arizona. In more than half of the states
in the country state legislators are the sole groups responsible for the
redistricting process. However, some
states have created alternative methods for the redistricting process such as the
formation of unbiased and/or independent or bipartisan commissions.
Since 2000, Arizona has become one of one
seven states that utilizes a specially formed bipartisan commission to determine
the district’s electoral geography, with the goal of reducing political bias.
[1] This bipartisan commission was created through a referendum,
Proposition 106, and is composed of two Democrats, two Republicans, and one
independent designated to chair the commission.
Until recently, this method was successfully utilized to establish more politically
balanced districts, free of a purposeful political majority. As a result of the redistricting, there still
remained safe Republican and Democratic seats, however, the state typically
still had a few competitive seats, making political races more fair. As neither political party wanted to lose
their chances of maintaining a safe seat the Republican Governor Jan Brewer
(sworn in 2009), chose to fire the chair of the committee, Colleen Coyle Mathis,
in December of 2011. The Arizona Supreme
Court had a hearing over the issue of the firing and ruled that it was without
just cause and reinstated her as commission chair. [2]
Earlier this
year the Arizona Supreme Court ruled on Arizona
State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2013)
and rejected the challenge against the electoral commission, finding the
commission within the proper use of the term “legislature” of the Elections
Clause of the Constitution. Because
Republican state officials remained dissatisfied with the Arizona Supreme Court
decision, they have filed an appeal that has made its way to the US Supreme
Court, which heard the case over Arizona redistricting on March 2, 2015. [3]
[4] Arizona Republicans presented
the argument that state election issues should be left to the state
legislatures as is mandated by part of the Elections Clause of the
Constitution. Former Solicitor General
Paul Clement argued that the founding fathers did not intend for a direct
democracy, and that the state legislatures are responsible for elections within
individual states. Clement like many
other Republicans do not believe that the authority to influence elections
through redistricting should be left to an “unelected and unaccountable
commission”. Currently, the only
available option for the state legislature to regain control of the
redistricting process would be for the state to have another referendum to place
the process back under the legislature’s jurisdiction. However, the likely result of another
referendum is anticipated to be unfavorable to the legislature. [5]
The opposing
position led by former Solicitor General Ted Olson, argues that the Republicans
are misreading the Constitution, and that the word “legislature” within the
Constitution has a quite broad definition, comprising the “entity or collection
of individuals that made the law” which would include the people of Arizona. Olson fears that if the Supreme Court rules
in favor of the collective view of Arizona Republicans held view that the
legislature has the authority to create districts, the districts would become
progressively uneven and favor the particular party in power, creating more
safe seats and non-competitive elections.
Olson also contends that by allowing the commission to continue, the
people, who created it through referendum, are part of the legislative process,
which he believes to be one of the original and fundamental ideals of the
founding fathers. Therefore Olson holds
that the referendum is a legal, constitutionally allowed amendment to the state
Constitution. [6]
During the US
Supreme Court proceeding in the case of Arizona
State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, the
justices that tend to favor more conservative rulings appeared more opposed to electoral
redistricting commissions being seen as constitutional, while the more liberal
justices favored the position supporting the constitutionality of laws that
allow these commissions. As of now, it
appears that the deciding vote will be determined by which side Justice Kennedy
finds Constitutional. Justice Kagan, who
was the most actively vocal while hearing the case posed the question of what
would happen if this commission was found unconstitutional as she asserted, “you take
the 2011 law in Mississippi adopting voter ID requirements; 2007, Oregon,
voting by mail; 1962, Arkansas, use of voting machines. All of these things
were done by referendum or by initiative with the legislative process
completely cut out. So would all of those be unconstitutional as well?”. [7]
Depending on the ruling, other states’ laws would likely
be impacted, which would have far-reaching consequences that could significantly
influence the 2016 national election. [8]
References
1. "Independent Redistricting
Commission." Independent
Redistricting Commission. AZ.gov, n.d. Web. 07 Mar. 2015.
2. Totenberg, Nina. "Supreme Court To
Weigh Power Of Redistricting Commissions." NPR. NPR, 2 Mar. 2015. Web. 06 Mar. 2015.
3. "Arizona State Legislature v.
Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission." SCOTUSblog RSS. SCOTUSblog, n.d. Web. 07 Mar. 2015.
4. Parti, Tarini. "High Court Hears
Redistricting Case." POLITICO.
POLITICO LLC, 2 Mar. 2015. Web. 07 Mar. 2015
5. Totenberg, Nina. "Supreme Court To
Weigh Power Of Redistricting Commissions." NPR. NPR, 2 Mar. 2015. Web. 06 Mar. 2015.
6.
Ibid.
7. Parti, Tarini. "High Court Hears
Redistricting Case." POLITICO.
POLITICO LLC, 2 Mar. 2015. Web. 07 Mar. 2015
8. Ibid.
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